Iraq's Personal Status Law Amendment: Risks and Opportunities

This report has been produced by The Lotus Flower in partnership with medica mondiale.

Historical foundations: a progressive law under threat

Iraq’s Personal Status Law No. 188, enacted in 1959 under Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qasim, marked a progressive shift in family law in the region. At a time when many regional legal systems were governed by religious or tribal norms, Iraq chose a secular, unified civil framework to oversee personal matters - such as marriage, divorce, child custody and inheritance.

This landmark law reflected a commitment to modernity, gender equality and national sovereignty over family affairs. Key provisions included setting the minimum legal age of marriage at 18 for both men and women (Article 7), requiring mutual consent for marriage (Articles 6–8) and placing family law under the jurisdiction of civil courts rather than religious authorities.

These reforms represented a significant advance for women’s rights: women now gained legal recognition in matters of divorce, custody and inheritance. 

However, from the outset, Law 188 faced resistance, especially in rural and conservative communities where traditional norms remained deeply entrenched. Article 8 introduced a major loophole: it allowed judges to approve marriages for girls as young as 15 in cases of 'urgent necessity' and signs of physical maturity. In practice, this clause has often been exploited with little oversight, leading to widespread child and forced marriages, many of which violate the spirit, if not the letter, of the law.

Over time, the gap between the law’s progressive vision and its uneven implementation widened, leaving many women and girls without effective legal protection.

Decades of erosion: conflict, conservatism and legal ambiguity (1980s–2000s)

From the 1980s onwards, Iraq underwent profound upheaval. Years of conflict, international sanctions, and the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003 contributed to the weakening of state institutions and the breakdown of centralised legal oversight.

As civil structures eroded, tribal and religious leaders gained greater influence over family and community affairs. This shift gradually undermined the authority of Law 188 and introduced significant inconsistencies in how family law was applied across regions.

By the early 2000s, the political rise of conservative religious factions further destabilised Iraq’s civil legal system. Protections for women under Law 188, which were already limited in practice, began to be openly challenged or disregarded. Courts increasingly deferred to religious interpretations, and the influence of sectarian doctrine grew stronger.

This period created the conditions for future legislative efforts that would seek to embed religious doctrine more formally into Iraq’s legal framework.

2017: The Jaafari Law proposal and public outcry

Source: Human Rights Watch

Source: Human Rights Watch

In 2017, a bill commonly known as the 'Jaafari Law' was introduced, sparking widespread concern both nationally and internationally. Based on Shi’a Islamic jurisprudence, the proposed amendments to Law 188 aimed to shift personal status matters from the civil courts to religious authorities.

The proposed legislation contained several deeply regressive provisions. Among the most concerning were:

  • Lowering the legal age of marriage to nine years
  • Permitting unregulated polygamy
  • Severely limiting women’s rights in divorce and child custody
  • Granting exclusive adjudicatory powers to religious courts, thereby bypassing civil judicial oversight

The reaction was swift. Women’s rights groups, legal experts, and civil society organisations launched a nationwide campaign against the bill. Demonstrations were held across Iraq, and petitions gained traction globally. International bodies, including Human Rights Watch and various UN agencies, warned that the bill violated Iraq’s obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

Although the Jaafari Law was eventually withdrawn, it revealed the growing political appetite to reframe family law through a sectarian lens and dismantle the civil protections established in 1959.

2024–2025: From civil protections to sectarian control

Source: Amnesty International

Source: Amnesty International

The trajectory set in motion by the Jaafari Law resurfaced in 2024, but in a more incremental form. This time, the government proposed formal amendments to Law 188 that incorporated many of the same sectarian and patriarchal ideas - though introduced with less public visibility and more political backing.

Parliamentary debate on the amendments began in July 2024, with the first formal reading on 4 August. The proposed changes allowed husbands to decide whether civil or religious law would apply at the time of marriage. In cases of mixed-sect marriages, the husband's religious affiliation would determine the applicable law, unless a prior agreement stated otherwise. This undermined the principle of legal neutrality.

Other changes included:

  • Permitting marriage from age 15 with judicial or parental consent
  • Authorising religious clergy to officiate marriages outside the civil court system
  • Reducing oversight on polygamy, custody, divorce, and inheritance matters
  • Strengthening the role of religious courts at the expense of the civil judiciary

Some versions of the proposed amendments even reintroduced references to marriage as young as age 9, which sparked immediate concern among human rights defenders.

A second reading took place on 16 September 2024. The following day, the Federal Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the amendments, citing Article 41 of the Iraqi Constitution, which allows for personal status laws to be governed by religious affiliation. This ruling echoed the arguments behind the 2017 Jaafari Law and effectively legitimised a sectarian model of family law.

Despite criticism from UN agencies and human rights organisations, the Iraqi Parliament passed the amendments into law on 21 January 2025. Although the final text did not explicitly lower the marriage age to 9, it retained provisions that allow for marriage from age 15 - well below international human rights standards. It also enshrined religious courts as central authorities in family law, significantly weakening civil protections.

The 2025 amendments have had far-reaching implications. By reinforcing religious jurisdiction over family law, they have institutionalised a fragmented legal system. The civil judiciary, which was once envisioned as a neutral arbiter of rights, has seen its role diminished.

In particular, the application of the Shia Jaafari school has become more prominent. Sunni legal scholars and religious leaders have largely opposed these reforms, leading to inconsistencies in the legal rights afforded to women depending on their religious background or geographic location.

Women’s rights advocates continue to raise alarms. These changes increase the risk of:

  • Coerced and child marriages
  • Reduced legal protection in cases of domestic violence or divorce
  • Expanded polygamy without accountability
  • Limited access to civil courts for resolving personal matters

Unlike in 2017, when widespread public resistance helped stall regressive legislation, the 2025 reforms have not only passed but are now reshaping Iraq’s legal landscape. They represent a shift from a rights-based civil framework to a system dominated by sectarian identity and patriarchal control.

We are deeply alarmed by the proposed amendments to Iraq's 1959 Personal Status Law. This amendment is a grave regression, jeopardising the rights and well-being of girls and women across Iraq. It would roll back decades of progress in advancing women's rights, education, and autonomy, exposing young girls to severe health risks and stripping them of their childhood and basic human rights.
Taban Shoresh - Founder of The Lotus Flower

In response, The Lotus Flower, in partnership with medica mondiale, implemented a targeted advocacy and awareness-raising initiative across the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) to address the impact of the amended Personal Status Law and to safeguard the rights of women and girls.

Community awareness-raising campaign

The Lotus Flower project team conducted seminars on child marriage in both The Lotus Flower’s centres and in urban areas of Duhok city. The campaign engaged 400 participants from Rwanga Camp, Domiz 1 Camp, Domiz 2 Camp, Khanke (urban area), Sharia (urban area), and Duhok city, targeting both male and female community members to ensure broad and inclusive participation.

These sessions focused on educating participants about the causes, consequences, and legal aspects of early marriage, while encouraging open dialogue and community reflection.

The sessions also explored the impact of the recent amendments to Iraq’s Personal Status Law, particularly their implications for women’s rights within families and communities.

To extend the campaign’s reach beyond in-person activities, The Lotus Flower also produced and promoted an infographic video on child marriage. This multimedia tool was disseminated via social media platforms to broaden public engagement, especially among youth and online audiences.

As a result:

1. Participants reported increased understanding of the negative impacts of child marriage, particularly on health, education, and overall well-being.

2. The seminars contributed to greater community engagement and growing support for delaying marriage, especially among youth and parents.

3. The sessions indicated a positive shift in attitudes, with the potential to support long-term behavioural change in the participating communities.

Bafrin : A community voice against child marriage

Bafrin, a 22-year-old from Khanke town in Duhok governorate, Kurdistan Region of Iraq, is a girl with big dreams and a strong sense of responsibility toward her community. 

In April 2025, Bafrin attended an awareness-raising session with The Lotus Flower on the dangers of child marriage. During the session, concerns were raised about the amendment to the Iraqi Personal Status Law that now allows the marriage of girls as young as nine years old. Bafrin recalls her reaction:

“It was the first time I and most of the other participants heard about this amendment. I felt shocked and deeply saddened. I noticed that all the participants unanimously agreed: no marriage should take place before 18 years old.”

Being the oldest participant in her group, Bafrin continued the conversation with other girls on their way home. They discussed the risks of child marriage, and many of the girls expressed a desire to finish their education and achieve financial independence before considering marriage.

Bafrin’s true moment of impact came shortly after this when marriage was proposed between her brother—who lived in Germany—and a cousin who was under the age of 18. It was suggested that the marriage could take place immediately, even though the couple had never met. Initially, both the cousin and her mother were inclined to accept, motivated by the promise of financial gain.

Because Bafrin had attended the awareness- raising session, she felt equipped to discuss the negative consequences of child marriage with her family, emphasising the importance of education and personal choice. Through these conversations, her cousin rejected the marriage proposal and was able to continue her studies instead. 

Bafrin later shared the facilitator’s contact with her cousin so she could join The Lotus Flower’s awareness and protection activities. She also began encouraging other women and girls to participate in similar programmes, sharing what she had learned.

“Awareness-raising sessions are just as important for men as for women. Men are often the key decision-makers when it comes to marriage, so they need to understand the consequences too.”

Today, Bafrin feels proud of her role as a positive influence in her community. By applying what she learned in the awareness-raising sessions, she not only helped prevent a child marriage but also inspired other girls to stand up for their right to education and a better future. 

Advocacy workshops

In February 2025, The Lotus Flower, in collaboration with medica mondiale, convened two targeted advocacy workshops to examine the amendments to Iraq’s Personal Status Law (Law No. 188 of 1959), with a particular focus on the 'Al-Jaafari' draft. Held on 19 February in Zakho Independent Administration and on 26 February in Duhok city, the workshops aimed to unpack the gendered implications of these amendments and mobilise a co-ordinated response. Of particular concern were the implications for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugee communities, whose access to justice and protection is already limited.

Each workshop convened approximately 30 invited participants, including legal professionals, governmental employees specialising in women’s rights, social workers, representatives from the Directorate of Labour and Social Affairs (DoLSA), staff from the Directorate to Combat Violence Against Women (DCVAW), and gender-based violence (GBV) caseworkers from civil society organisations.

Led by legal experts, the workshops were structured around a series of evidence-based presentations and facilitated dialogues. Participants received a structured overview of Iraq’s current Personal Status Law and an in-depth analysis of the amendments. The discussions revolved around how these changes would affect legal protections, particularly concerning marriage, divorce, inheritance, child custody, and the legal age of marriage.

Workshop aims

The workshops were designed to address five interlinked objectives:

1. Legal literacy and awareness:
To equip participants with a comprehensive understanding of the proposed amendments to Iraq’s Personal Status Law, with attention to their legal, religious, and socio-cultural dimensions.

2. Stakeholder dialogue:
To create a space for decision-makers and practitioners to explore the direct and indirect consequences of the amendments on women, girls, and families, particularly regarding erosion of legal protection and shifts in family dynamics and gender roles.

3. Advocacy and mobilisation:
To support NGO representatives in designing and scaling up awareness-raising campaigns that highlight the amendments’ violation of both national constitutional provisions and international human rights standards, particularly CEDAW and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

4. Intersectional analysis:
To examine how the proposed legal reforms intersect with ongoing socio-economic issues - including poverty, displacement, child marriage, and trafficking - through the use of local data and comparative legal frameworks.

5. Multi-sectoral collaboration:
To foster dialogue between government, civil society, and community actors aimed at building alliances that resist regressive legal reform, protect women’s rights, and challenge harmful customary practices.

Key discussion: understanding the legal autonomy of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)

Context

An important theme in relation to discussing the Personal Status Law that emerged during the workshops was the legal and political distinction between the Federal Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI).

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) functions as an autonomous region within Iraq, with its own parliament, legal system, and security forces. This autonomy is critical when assessing the impact of legal amendments passed at the federal level, including those related to Personal Status Law.

While Iraq’s amended Law No. 188 of 1959 sets the minimum marriage age at 18, it allows marriage from age 15 with guardian consent. In contrast, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) raised the minimum age to 16, under Law No. 15 of 2008, with judicial and guardian approval. Article 5 allows a judge to authorise marriage at 16 if physical and legal eligibility is established, and no valid objection is raised by the guardian.

Legal protections in KRI

  • Forced marriage is prohibited under Article 6 of Law No. 15 of 2008. Such contracts are void if unconsummated and suspended if consummated.
  • Child marriage is defined as domestic violence under KRI’s Domestic Violence Law No. 8 of 2011, punishable by 6 months to 3 years in prison.
  • Out-of-court marriages can result in fines (1–3 million IQD) or 3–5 years of imprisonment, especially if committed while already married.

Implications of federal amendments

While proposed amendments to Iraq’s national Personal Status Law do not automatically apply in the KRI, several concerns arise:

Legal autonomy: The KRG is not bound by federal amendments unless it voluntarily aligns its own laws.

Cross-regional impact: Kurdish citizens marrying outside the KRI may be subject to more permissive federal laws, weakening regional protections.

Civil society advocacy: The KRI has a track record of opposing child marriage, with strong local advocacy and protective legal measures in place. Any federal shift risks undermining these gains.

Findings from advocacy workshops

1. Impact of the amendments to Iraq’s Personal Status Law

1.1 Child marriage and early pregnancy

Participants expressed deep concern about the provision lowering the legal age of marriage to as young as nine. This was widely condemned as a direct violation of both the Iraqi Constitution and international treaties such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Iraq is a signatory.

Key concerns included:

Health Risks: Early pregnancy endangers the health of young girls, increasing the risk of maternal mortality, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and lifelong reproductive health complications.
Education and Economic Impact: Child marriage often leads to school dropouts, limiting future opportunities and contributing to cycles of poverty and economic dependency.
Psychosocial Consequences: Forcing young girls into adulthood results in long-term psychological trauma, emotional distress, and increased vulnerability to gender-based violence.

1.2 Inheritance and custody rights

Participants highlighted the discriminatory nature of the proposed changes to inheritance and custody laws.

Under the Al-Jaafari interpretation, wives are excluded from inheriting land or real estate, prioritising male relatives in the distribution of assets.

Custody laws were also criticised for automatically transferring custody to fathers once a child reaches the age of two, which may result in trauma and disruption of maternal bonds, particularly in cases of divorce or separation.
These provisions were described as institutionalising gender inequality and eroding women’s legal and familial rights.

1.3 Polygamy without consent

Another contentious issue raised was the amendment permitting polygamy without the consent of the first wife. Participants noted this could lead to:

  • Heightened emotional distress, instability, and competition within households.
  • A rise in divorce rates and social exclusion for abandoned first wives.
  • Reinforcement of patriarchal norms that subordinate women’s agency and consent.

1.4 Broader social and cultural impacts

The workshops unpacked the cultural justifications often used to defend child marriage and gender discrimination. While some community members argue that child marriage reduces family financial burdens or aligns with traditional values, the overwhelming consensus was that:

  • These reforms would exacerbate poverty, child trafficking, and homelessness, especially in high-risk settings such as IDP camps and rural areas.
  • Vulnerable groups, including female-headed households, orphans, and children living with elderly caregivers, would face compounded risks.
  • The implementation of these amendments across Iraq—particularly in areas governed by conservative tribal or religious authorities—could undermine more progressive policies in the Kurdistan Region, creating legal and social discrepancies across regions.

1.5 International and political ramifications

Participants also warned that the amendments could severely damage Iraq’s international reputation, jeopardising diplomatic relations, development assistance, and foreign investment. The reforms contradict Iraq’s commitments under international human rights frameworks and were described as a move away from democratic and inclusive governance.

“Police and security authorities are unable to arrest individuals involved in forced child marriage unless a family member files a complaint.”

Workshop participant, illustrating the enforcement gap and lack of protective mechanisms under the current and proposed systems.

2. Recommendations

In response to these concerns, workshop participants developed a set of comprehensive and actionable recommendations:

2.1 Awareness and education

  • Implement targeted educational campaigns on reproductive health, relationships, and the risks of child marriage.
  • Provide pre-marriage life skills training to promote informed decisions about marriage and family life.
  • Introduce peer education and school curricula focused on human rights, personal status law, and self-protection, empowering children and youth to understand and advocate for their rights.
  • Train teachers and parents to identify and respond to early warning signs of abuse and to support girls in exercising agency.

2.2 Legal and policy advocacy

  • Strengthen collaboration between international human rights organisations and local CSOs to pressure the Iraqi government to revise or reject harmful legal provisions.
  • Host inclusive advocacy workshops involving judges, lawyers, parents, religious leaders, and community representatives to propose rights-baspd legal alternatives.
  • Encourage regional and international bodies to monitor the law’s implementation and hold authorities accountable for rights violations.

2.3 Community engagement

  • Involve religious and tribal leaders in reinterpretation of texts to support gender equality and protect children.
  • Organise community forums that foster dialogue between public and private actors, including schools, businesses, and local authorities.
  • Establish safe spaces and support networks for girls and women, especially those from vulnerable groups.

2.4 Digital and social media advocacy

  • Engage content creators and influencers to raise awareness and share real-life stories that humanise the consequences of the proposed amendments.
  • Use social media platforms to disseminate accessible, culturally appropriate content on women’s and girls’ rights.

Steps for collective action

The workshops culminated in a series of recommendations aimed at fostering multi-sectoral advocacy and co-ordinated response efforts:

  1. Legal experts and civil society leaders will evaluate and explain the recent amendments to the Iraq Personal Status Law, focusing on their legal, religious, and social implications. This will be done in collaboration with religious scholars and academic institutions through workshops and legal forums in Baghdad and Erbil.
  2. Women’s rights organisations and advocacy groups will consult with decision-makers to analyze the impact of the amendments on women, girls, and their families. This engagement will involve members of Parliament, government officials, and local council representatives through policy roundtables and dialogue sessions held in Baghdad, Ninawa, and Basra.
  3. Women-led community organisations and human rights NGOs will conduct public awareness-raising sessions to highlight how the amendments violate international human rights standards, particularly those safeguarding the rights of women and girls. These sessions will be co-ordinated with local activists, educators, and youth groups across community centres, schools, and IDP camps in Duhok and Sulaymaniyah.
  4. Social workers, researchers, and child protection organisations will explore the broader consequences of the law, including its links to poverty, inequality, and child trafficking. This work will be carried out in partnership with community leaders, INGOs, and local government offices in high-risk areas such as Sinjar and surrounding rural communities.
  5. Women’s civil society organisations and gender equality advocates will promote partnerships between the public and private sectors to help create an environment that respects the rights of girls and women while challenging harmful cultural traditions. This collaboration will involve local businesses, tribal leaders, schools, and public sector actors through regional forums and community development meetings in central Iraq and the Kurdistan Region.